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Clans and Tournaments / D-day - Battle #8 F|H Campaign
« on: 23-05-2012, 22:05:17 »
D-day


In December 1943 President Roosevelt appointed General Eisenhower, as Supreme Allied Commander, with orders to "Enter the Continent of Europe, and in conjunction with other United Nations, undertake operations aimed at the heart of Germany and the destruction of her armed forces" The original codename for this invasion was "Operation Roundup"
This was eventually changed to "Operation Overlord"
The enormity of this task cannot be over stated, by the early months of 1944 Britain was a virtual army camp with 3.5 million troops, soldiers, sailors and airmen all training for the mammoth task that lay ahead. British, American, Canadian, Australians and New Zealanders, French, Belgians, Norwegians, Poles and Czechs along with the Dutch, all with the same objective. The Liberation of Europe from the Evil clutches of Hitler's occupation.


American troops, weapons and vehicles were shipped across the Atlantic to Britain for almost two years, this operation was code named "Bolero". Imagine an airforce consisting of 13,000 aircraft and 3,500 gliders! this was assembled for the great assault.
1,200 fighting ships, 1,600 merchant ships and 4,000 assault craft of various descriptions were at anchor in ports all over the southern coasts of England, including Cardiff in South Wales.
To keep the build up of all these men and their equipment a secret from the German spy network was an achievement in itself, but a secret it remained, many south coast towns were closed to the public, to prevent spying eyes…..


Since 1942 British Intelligence had been gathering as much information as possible, looking for a suitable landing ground for the Liberating forces, one of the main priorities being, that the landing beaches had to be in range of fighter air cover from southern England.
The shortest and most accessible point was the Pas de Calais, this would give the allies a very short supply line indeed. The Germans under the command of Field Marshall Von Rundstedt also came to this conclusion, and therefore concentrated on reinforcing the Atlantic wall defences in this area.


The Pas de Calais was such an obvious landing area, the Allies decided against it, and went for their other location:- Normandy.
It was agreed that five landing beaches, covering a distance of 40 miles would be used. Five divisions would attack in the first wave, with four more divisions landing in the following 24 hours.
The Americans would land on the beaches which lay either side of the River Vire estuary, these were codenamed, "OMAHA" and "UTAH"
The British and Canadians would land on the eastern beaches which stretched to the River Orne estuary. These would be codenamed, "SWORD" "JUNO" AND "GOLD".



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Sainte Marie-du-Mont


In the night of 6 June 1944 more than four hundred planes dropped the American parachutists of the 101st Airborne Division in Normandy. The 506th Parachute Infantry Regiment landed on drop zone C near Sainte-Marie-du-Mont. The units were widely scattered. A group of about a hundred men gathered under General Taylor who commanded the division and Lieutenant-Colonel Ewell who commanded the 3rd battalion of the 506th Regiment. They moved toward Utah Beach to take control of the exit n°1.


 On the way they neutralized a German strong point near Sainte-Marie-du-Mont. Another group of parachutists destroyed a battery west of the town. Several paras hit the ground in the middle of the town, American and German troops killed each other in great confusion.


In the afternoon Sainte-Marie-du-Mont was liberated by a group of paras of the 501st and 506th Regiments. The Americans took by surprise the Germans who were pushed back by the Landing on Utah Beach.





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Clans and Tournaments / Hill 262 - Battle #6 F|H Campaign
« on: 11-05-2012, 00:05:43 »
Hill 262

The Battle of Hill 262 was a World War II military engagement fought between German armored elements and the Polish 1rst Armored Division on Mont Ormel ridge, northeast of Chambois, France, from August 19 to August 21, 1944. The Battle of Hill 262 was part of the wider battle of the Falaise pocket during the Normandy Campaign.


The German 7th Army, under the command of SS Obergruppenführer Paul Hausser, had become surrounded by the Allies near the town of Falaise. The Mont Ormel ridge’s military name was Hill 262, which lay in the Germans’ only escape route. With an altitude of 855 ft, Hill 262 offered a vantage point. Accordingly, Polish 1rst Division, which belonged to the 1rst Canadian Army, seized the ridge’s northern height on August 19, 1944. Although the Polish forces came under vicious and constant attack, they managed to hold it until August 21. The Polish resolution to hold the Hill contributed to the decisive Allied victory that followed.


Once the Poles had reached the summit of Mont Ormel Ridge on August 19, they proceeded, from the safety of the summit, to shell a column of German armored vehicles, which moved through the pass along the Chambois–Vimoutiers road. Nevertheless, the Germans quickly reponded by firing rocket-launchers and anti-tank guns to cover their retreat. On the night of August 19 and August 20, German units that moved out of the Falaise pocket cut off the Polish battlegroups on Mont Ormel ridge.


When Lieutenant-Colonel Aleksander Stefanowicz, commander of the Polish 1st Armored Regiment, realized his critical position, he conferred with Koszutski, who was in command of the Polish 2nd Armored Regiment. Not able to fight their way clear, the two decided to hold the ground, since it was the only chance of survival until relieved by stronger Allied forces. After ferocious fighting between the two forces, the German called off their attacks on the Poles on August 21, since they had to get out of the Falaise pocket fast before the Canadian 1rst Army closed in the Allied encirclement.




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Clans and Tournaments / Graignes - Battle #5 F|H Campaign
« on: 03-05-2012, 10:05:14 »
Graignes


Shortly after 0200 hours on D-Day, twelve planeloads of paratroopers from the 3rd Battalion 507th PIR were scattered throughout the marshes south of Carentan. They were supposed to have been dropped eighteen miles to the northwest at drop zone “T” near Amfreville, but instead ended-up in the vicinity of the French village of Graignes. Theirs was the worst misdrop of any airborne unit on 6 June 1944.

After sunrise, several small groups of these men slogged their way out of the marsh, gravitating toward the small agrarian community whose 12th century Roman Catholic church was silhouetted against the rising sun. Because the troopers were deep behind enemy lines and far from their drop zone, the decision was made to remain where they had landed and defend Graignes. The episode that would unfold in this obscure little village over the course of the next five days stands as one of the most dramatic and tragic of the entire Normandy campaign.

By 1000 hours, twenty-five paratroopers under the command of 507th Captain Leroy D. Brummitt had gathered in the village. Considering what they had been through, the small group of troopers was surprisingly well armed. In addition to their personal weapons, the men had five M1919A4 .30-cal. machine guns and two 81 mm mortars. As a precaution, Capt. Brummitt put out perimeter security to serve as an early warning in the event that the enemy approached the village. Two hours later, more 3rd Battalion/507th men arrived led by Major Charles D. Johnston. After discussing the situation with Capt. Brummitt, Maj. Johnston took control of the 507th men assembled in the village. He felt that, moving the force toward the American airborne units fighting to the north was an impractical idea because the 82nd and 101st Division drop zones were just too far away. He therefore decided that the best course of action would be to keep the force in Graignes. Captain Brummitt disagreed and argued that the force should attempt to reach the regiment’s objective area to the north. Major Johnston felt that the troopers should stay put and organize a defensive perimeter and await a link-up with ground forces coming across the landing beaches. As the ranking officer present, Johnston’s decision was final: Graignes would be defended.



In the afternoon on Saturday, 10 June, a mechanized patrol approached a defensive position that was manned by some of 1st Lt. Murn’s B Company/501st men. They let the patrol get close, then opened fire killing four of the enemy. That night, outposts reported hearing a great deal of activity in the same vicinity and contact was made with the Germans several times. In one of those firefights, the paratroopers ambushed a convoy, killing one enemy soldier. When the troopers searched the dead German’s pockets, they discovered some documents that revealed him to be assigned to a reconnaissance battalion of an armored division – an ominous sign of what the Americans were up against. Knowing that such a German force was out there in the hedgerows to the west of Graignes sent a wave of nervousness through the Americans. As a consequence, that night was spent on a full alert with officers conducting almost constant inspections of the perimeter. Prior to that night, the paratroopers at Graignes had been confident that American units to the north would get through to them before the enemy could launch any kind of serious attack against their perimeter. However, the crescendo of enemy activity around the village throughout the 8th, 9th and 10th seemed to indicate that they could not expect relief to get there in time. To the American paratroopers and the French civilians in Graignes, it appeared that the moment of truth was drawing near.

There was no sign of the enemy and all was quiet that morning, the first Sunday since the invasion began. That being the case, Maj. Johnston gave permission for some of the men to attend Mass. They arrived just as the parish priest, Father Albert Leblastier, began the liturgy right on time at 1000 hours. At about the same time, Capt. Brummitt heard firing south of the village, rushed to the scene and quickly determined that a large German force was approaching Graignes from that direction. He reinforced the southern flank and prepared to receive the weight of a direct attack. He would not have to wait long.

Meanwhile back in the church, the firing rudely interrupted Father Leblastier, who was ten minutes into Mass. At first he continued, but then half way through the service, a woman burst into the church yelling, “The Germans are coming! Save yourselves!" A German patrol had indeed managed to penetrate to within two hundred meters of the church, causing a panic among the assembled parishioners and American paratroopers. Marthe remembered that, “Everybody started to run away but they started shooting, so we had to stay inside the church.” During the gun battle, all of the villagers assembled for Mass had to huddle inside the nave of the church just to stay out of the way of the flying bullets.


The assault, which lasted only ten minutes, had been an uncoordinated, piecemeal effort during which the paratroopers inflicted heavy casualties on the attacking force. All of the work that the paratroopers put into preparing fields of fire to cover avenues of approach had paid off, and the Germans had sustained staggering casualties. From the belfry of the church, trucks could be seen picking up dead German soldiers. As soon as the fight was over, Maj. Johnston ordered all available personnel to man the defensive line around the village. He correctly recognized that the morning attack had only been a probing action and that another assault would soon follow.

At about 1400 hours, the Germans commenced a punishing mortar bombardment of Graignes. This preparatory fire was swiftly followed by a second infantry assault against the flanks of the defensive line around the village. This time the attackers moved so swiftly that the perimeter was almost breached at one point. However, Capt. Brummitt quickly shifted forces to meet the threat, and the line held. Once again, the paratroopers’ supporting fires were decisive in holding off defeat as mortar fire inflicted heavy losses and scores of enemy infantry were caught in the crossfire of the multiple machine guns defending the village center. During this second attack though, the paratroopers and the citizens of Graignes began to suffer their first casualties. The church sanctuary was then transformed into an aid station as the wounded were rushed there to receive medical attention from Capt. Sophian. Father Leblastier and Father Louis Lebarbanchon, a Franciscan priest temporarily assigned to Graignes, provided comfort to the wounded as well as several villagers. Alongside the two priests, the rectory’s two housekeepers, eighty-year-old Eugenie DuJardin and Madeleine Pezeril, also did what they could for the wounded.


An uneasy quiet fell over Graignes following the second attack. During this lull, Maj. Johnston pulled his outposts back to the defensive line in the village and assessed his situation. He found that, after the morning’s two major assaults, ammunition was beginning to run low. The remaining small arms ammunition and mortar rounds were then redistributed among the defenders to provide each position with an even supply. Then, an unnerving sound was heard rising from the maze of hedgerows surrounding Graignes. What was clearly the sound of heavy vehicular movement announced that the Germans were bringing in reinforcements. Since the observed evidence indicated that Graignes was about to be the target of a major attack, Maj. Johnston sent all of the civilians away. After almost nine hours of confinement in the church during the day’s fighting, sisters Marthe and Odette Rigault were both “ready to leave.” Marthe remembered that, “At 7 o’clock (PM) Major Johnston told us that we should go home because they did not have enough ammunition for the night and the night was coming.” According to Odette, “He told us that we had to try to get out if we could.” Marthe and Odette then slipped out of the village and returned safely to Le Port St. Pierre.




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6
Operation Goodwood



Montgomery always claimed that Goodwood had two aims – one to breakout, the other to wreck German armoured reserves and draw them away from the western sector where the US forces were preparing for Cobra. Dempsey’s first and main aim was to achieve the breakout. The plan began with a massive aerial bombardment, using the strategic air force’s four-engined heavies to spearhead the attack. Lt-General Richard O’Connor’s VIII Corps comprising three whole armoured divisions – 11th, 7th and Guards - and spearheaded by Major-General ‘Pip’ Roberts’s 11th would then rush forward, overwhelm the stunned German defenders and create the breakout the Allies so desperately required. To cover the flanks the Canadians would fight their way along the eastern suburbs of Caen, while the British 3rd Infantry and 51st Highland Divisions would cover the left flank, further to the east.

11th Armoured would aim for Bras, Hubert-Folie, Verrieres and Fontenay; 7th Armoured for Four and Garcelles-Secqueville; and Guards for Cagny and Vimont. Confronting 11th was 1st SS Panzer Division.

There were many flaws with the Goodwood plan. Firstly, there would be little infantry support to avoid increasing the pressure on the already ailing Commonwealth personnel pool. As Roberts argued, with so many small fortified German held villages, infantry support would be crucial to the success of the plan. Secondly, there would be little if any element of surprise as the Germans had the jumping off points for the attack under constant observation. You can still see to the right of the area we will be driving through the chimneys of Colombelles from where the British armoured build up was noted. In an attempt to limit this, Dempsey’s plan called for the armoured divisions to remain on the west side of the River Ornes until the last possible minute, and only then move rapidly across to the east to launch the attack. This created a third problem. There were insufficient bridges across the Orne and the Canal de Caen to allow an easy, rapid and fluid build up for Goodwood. Indeed, chaos ensued in the eraly hours of July 18th as the build up began. Fourthly, artillery support would only be significant until the British reached the Caen-Liseux railway line; beyond that they would only have the smaller divisional artillery for support. Fifthly, the width of the attack was very narrow and constricted, preventing the Allied tanks from using their mobility effectively. The plan also called for 11th to bypass Cagny (a target for Guards, who were following on behind). Roberts was concerned about allowing his flank to be exposed in such a manner. Sixthly, the open, rolling country which was described by Dempsey and Montgomery as "good tank country", was in fact better for the Germans as they could now use their advantages in long-range gunnery to good effect.


The aerial bombardment was effective in many ways. It was the first time the heavy bombers had\been called on to play a tactical role. The German defenders were stunned. Captain Freimark von Rosen, then 19 years of age, recorded:
"My own tanks [12 Tigers of 503 Heavy Battalion] were combat ready, well placed, camouflaged and dispersed in the park of Manneville [3.5 miles east of Caen]…We were located in the very middle of this bombardment [which lasted for over two hours] which was like HELL and I am still astonished to have survived it… [a] tank 30 metres away received a direct hit which set it on fire instantly. [Another] tank was turned upside down by the air pressure, a Tiger at the weight of 58 tons…All tanks were completely covered with earth. The engines were full of sand. Fifty men of my company were dead, two soldiers committed suicide. Another soldier went insane. When we withdrew in the early afternoon to the Cagny area the entire battalion had only six to eight tanks left [out of 42]"

The German opposition, it was considered by British Intelligence, would be knocked out by the bombardment and the armour would encounter little significant opposition. However, the key features of Allied supremacy during the Normandy campaign (air power and artillery) would evaporate as the morning of the 18th July went on. Artillery faded and close tactical air support which would have been critical in maintaining the suppression caused by the heavy overnight aerial bombardment was hindered by the loss of the only Forward Air Controller early in the morning.

At first however, all went well for the British, despite near pandemonium crossing the Orne and Canal bridges. Captain Lemon of 3rd Royal Tank Regiment noted:
"rather enjoyed the first few minutes. There was little opposition and one had a wonderful feeling of superiority as many Germans, shaken by the preliminary bombing and shelling, gave themselves up."

It did not last. The infantry support for 3rd RTR, 8th Rifle Brigade, began to fall behind the rapidly advancing tanks. Geoffrey Bishop of the 79th Armoured Division, offering support to the Corps attack noted:
"The whole regiment (23rd Hussars) was spread out on a fairly open plain…our objective a high ridge of land in front of us and to the right about five miles away. We had advanced about four miles without much trouble, and reached the line of the main railway…But now we had no air support and the artillery barrage had ceased."

By now the Germans had begun to gather themselves together. Trooper John Brown of 2nd Fife and Forfar Yeomanry (11th Armoured) recorded:
"It was not long after the earlier euphoria that we realised what was in store for us – thirteen tanks, one of our squadrons knocked out, some burning and what remained of their crews either walking or crawling back from the front. Our tanks reached the Caen-Vimont railway [the second main obstacle] close beside a level crossing in the Cagny area. From our position we knocked out two, probably three German tanks, but it was difficult to recognise this in the carnage."

Captain Lemon was now less confident:
"We did not hit the crust of the enemy, the 21st and 12th SS Panzer Divisions – it was just as the leading tanks were level with Hubert-Folie when the fun began. I saw Sherman after Sherman go up in flames and it got to such a pitch that I thought that in another few minutes there would be nothing left of the Regiment!


John Thorpe, 2nd Fife and Forfar Yemonary:
"I see palls of smoke and tanks brewing up with flames belching forth from their turrets. I see men climbing out on fire likes torches, rolling on the ground to try and douse the flames but we are in ripe corn and the straw takes fire."

3rd RTR attacked the western area between Bras and Hubert Folie, but were stopped in the early afternoon by enemy units in and around the Bourgebus Ridge. 23rd Hussars and 2nd F&F were repulsed further to the east around Soliers and Four.By the evening, the 11th Armoured had suffered heavy equipment losses, almost 50%, but had reached a line overlooking Bras, Hubert-Folie and Soliers. The following day July 19th, at 0430 the attack began again. Heavy fire from the Bourgebus ridge between Bras and Hubert-Folie inflicted more casualties.

Bill Close:"We were completely unable to advance. The whole brigade was pinned down."

The fighting continued for the Bourgebus ridge and Hubert-Folie was eventually taken late on the 19th, but the Goodwood operation was effectively over as a means of achieving a breakthrough. Resistance was increasing still further. German losses had been heavy also and almost all of their reserves had been drawn to the east of Caen to stop the British armoured advance. At the very least the scene was now set for the US breakout attempt, Operation Cobra.

It did not last. The infantry support for 3rd RTR, 8th Rifle Brigade, began to fall behind the rapidly advancing tanks. Geoffrey Bishop of the 79th Armoured Division, offering support to the Corps attack noted:
"The whole regiment (23rd Hussars) was spread out on a fairly open plain…our objective a high ridge of land in front of us and to the right about five miles away. We had advanced about four miles without much trouble, and reached the line of the main railway…But now we had no air support and the artillery barrage had ceased."

By now the Germans had begun to gather themselves together. Trooper John Brown of 2nd Fife and Forfar Yeomanry (11th Armoured) recorded:
"It was not long after the earlier euphoria that we realised what was in store for us – thirteen tanks, one of our squadrons knocked out, some burning and what remained of their crews either walking or crawling back from the front. Our tanks reached the Caen-Vimont railway [the second main obstacle] close beside a level crossing in the Cagny area. From our position we knocked out two, probably three German tanks, but it was difficult to recognise this in the carnage."


Captain Lemon was now less confident:
"We did not hit the crust of the enemy, the 21st and 12th SS Panzer Divisions – it was just as the leading tanks were level with Hubert-Folie when the fun began. I saw Sherman after Sherman go up in flames and it got to such a pitch that I thought that in another few minutes there would be nothing left of the Regiment!

John Thorpe, 2nd Fife and Forfar Yemonary:
"I see palls of smoke and tanks brewing up with flames belching forth from their turrets. I see men climbing out on fire likes torches, rolling on the ground to try and douse the flames but we are in ripe corn and the straw takes fire."

3rd RTR attacked the western area between Bras and Hubert Folie, but were stopped in the early afternoon by enemy units in and around the Bourgebus Ridge. 23rd Hussars and 2nd F&F were repulsed further to the east around Soliers and Four.By the evening, the 11th Armoured had suffered heavy equipment losses, almost 50%, but had reached a line overlooking Bras, Hubert-Folie and Soliers. The following day July 19th, at 0430 the attack began again. Heavy fire from the Bourgebus ridge between Bras and Hubert-Folie inflicted more casualties.

Bill Close:"We were completely unable to advance. The whole brigade was pinned down."

The fighting continued for the Bourgebus ridge and Hubert-Folie was eventually taken late on the 19th, but the Goodwood operation was effectively over as a means of achieving a breakthrough. Resistance was increasing still further. German losses had been heavy also and almost all of their reserves had been drawn to the east of Caen to stop the British armoured advance. At the very least the scene was now set for the US breakout attempt, Operation Cobra.




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7
Montebourg Station


Rommel became increasingly aware of the threat to Cherbourg and feared that the Cotentin Peninsula was about to be cut off. On 7 June he rushed more troops to the area, including the 77th Division which was eventually sent to Montebourg. From 8 June to 1 July, General von Schlieben set up a defensive line from le Ham to the west of the N13, through Montebourg to Quineville on the coast to the east. On 10 June the 505th Parachute Infantry attacked le Ham, with the objective of taking Montebourg station.





The attack bogged down after a successful start, and Montebourg was still in enemy hands by 12 June. The Germans were prepared to fight hard for what they felt was the vital key town to the defense of Cherbourg. They repelled attacks over the following days until finally, on 18 June, General Collins developed his plan for the final drive to Cherbourg with General Bradley, knowing that Schlieben was withdrawing to Cherbourg. The attacking American divisions encountered little resistance. When the 3rd Battalion of the 22nd Infantry entered Montebourg at 1800 hours on 19 June they found it deserted, but 90 percent destroyed.




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8
Bloody Gulch


When the 101st Airborne entered the town of Carentan on June 12, 1944 (D-Day + 6) after heavy fighting on the two previous days, they met relatively light resistance. The bulk of the surviving German defenders (from the 6th Fallschirmjäger Regiment) had withdrawn to the southwest the previous night after a heavy Allied naval and artillery bombardment. Both sides realized the importance of the city: for the Americans, it was a link between Utah Beach and Omaha Beach, and would provide a base for further attacks deeper into German-occupied France. For the Germans, recapturing Carentan would be the first step towards driving a wedge between the two U.S. landing beaches, severely disrupting and possibly even destroying the Allied invasion.



(click on picture for full size)


The remnants of the 6th Fallschirmjäger resupplied and were reinforced by assault guns and panzergrenadiers of the 17th SS Panzergrenadier Division on the night of June 12–13. The combined force counterattacked northeast towards Carentan at dawn on June 13, just as the 506th and 501st PIR were attacking southwest to enlarge the American defensive perimeter around the town. The 506th took the brunt of the attack, and by 10:30 a.m., the outnumbered and outgunned paratroopers were pushed almost back to the outskirts of the city.



(click on picture for full size)

Under intense German fire, F Company of the 506th's left flank broke and fell back. This exposed D Company's right flank, who also fell back, leaving E Company all alone. The commanding officer of F Company was relieved on the spot by Colonel Strayer. When a German StuG assault gun attempted to penetrate the left flank, Lt. Harry Welsh and Pvt. John McGrath of E Company successfully destroyed it with a bazooka. This gave time for battalion headquarters to stop the retreat of D and F companies, pushing them forward 150 meters to cover the left flank. The 2nd Battalion of the 502nd PIR took up positions to the right of the 506th, but by 1:00 p.m. they too had suffered many casualties, and the German attack was on the edge of breaking through their defenses.



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9
Clans and Tournaments / Re: F|H Campaign 8: Devil's Garden
« on: 16-01-2011, 03:01:17 »
Join Allied.


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